In topology, knot theory is the study of mathematical knots. While inspired by knots which appear in daily life in shoelaces and rope, a mathematician’s knot differs in that the ends are joined together so that it cannot be undone. In precise mathematical language, a knot is an embedding of a circle in 3-dimensional Euclidean space, R3. Two mathematical knots are equivalent if one can be transformed into the other via a deformation of R3 upon itself (known as an ambientisotopy); these transformations correspond to manipulations of a knotted string that do not involve cutting the string or passing the string through itself.

Knots can be described in various ways. Given a method of description, however, there may be more than one description that represents the same knot. For example, a common method of describing a knot is a planar diagram called a knot diagram. Any given knot can be drawn in many different ways using a knot diagram. Therefore, a fundamental problem in knot theory is determining when two descriptions represent the same knot.

Links are also the subject of knot theory. A link consists of several knots (called components) and interwinted in any manner.

Knot theory was introduced as a scientific topic of investigation by “two middly eccentric nineteenth century Scottish physicists,” Lord Kelvin and Guthrie Tait.Today knot theory is one of the most active research areas of mathematics, but because of its developments in relation with knots and links, cibernetic studies has also included it as an useful tool. The idea of a net, as something whose nature escapes any definition other than that where elements relate to each other, so that their identity is nothing but the way in which they lead to others and the way others lead to them, was first applied by mathematicians in order to understand the complexity of certain links of knots. In that sense aiming to define any element in such a system, we would have to assume its incompleteness.

[Left to right: Luther Blissett, Janez Janša and Chus Martinez]

My Name Is Janez Janša is a 2012 documentary film about three contemporary artists, one of them the film director, who in 2007 all changed their name to that of Janez Janša, the Prime Minister of Slovenia. A number of way more interesting and earlier previous avant-grade and underground anti-art movements influenced this action including Dadaism, mail art and neoism.

Multiple name concepts – the idea that a single name should be used by a group of individuals- did not play a starring role in the history of Dada. But Hausmann, Grosz, Baader, Herzfelde and Herzfelde’s ‘Christ & Co. Ltd’ achieved more than footnote status in the standard histories of the Berlin avant-garde. Hausmann recollects the founding of this society in “Courier Dada”(Paris 1958): “I took Baader to the fields of Sudende (where Jung then lived), and said to him: ‘All this is yours if you do as 1 tell you. The Bishop of Brunswick has failed to recognize you as Jesus Christ, and you have retaliated by defiling the altar in his church. This is no compensation. From today, you will be President of The Christ Society, Ltd, and recruit members. You must convince everyone that he too can be Christ, if he wants to, on payment of fifty marks to your society. Members of our society will no longer be subject to temporal authority and will automatically be unfit for military service. You will wear a purple robe and we shall organise an Echternach procession in the Potsdamer Platz. I shall previously have submerged Berlin in biblical texts. All the poster columns will bear the words “He who lives by the sword shall perish by the sword”.’”

dOCUMENTA “be sienų”


Pasak dOCUMENTos (13) kuratorės Carolyn Christov-Bakargiev, po skurdžių pristatymų ankstesnėse parodose 2012-aisiais italai sugrįžta į didžiausią Vokietijos šiuolaikinio meno festivalį. Regis, jie sugrįžta “originaliuoju” 1930-ųjų stiliumi! Gaila, tačiau tiek paskutinė Berlyno Bienalė, tiek naujausia dOCUMENTA, struktūriškai ir ideologiškai remiasi nacionalistiniu ir etniniu tapatybės supratimu. Tuo pat metu jau minėtas Italų “dalyvavimas” dOCUMENToje (13) yra būtent tas elementas, leidžiantis šiam “anti-konceptualiam” konceptui dar kartą užkariauti Afganistaną (2012 m. dOCUMENTA vyksta Kaselyje (Vokietija), Kaire (Egiptas), Banfe (Kanada) ir Kabule (Afganistanas)). Carolyn Christov-Bakargiev yra italų-amerikiečių kilmės rašytoja, meno istorikė ir kuratorė, kuriai būdingas tapatinimasis su Vokietijos valdančiojo elito sprendžiama vietinės ir tarptautinės kultūros politika. Remiantis autore Emily Nathan:


Gana keista, kodėl dOCUMENTos (13); Kaselis, Vokietija, 2012m. birželio 9 – rugsėjo 16 d.) kuratorė Carolyn Christov-Bakargiev pasirinko surengti du metus trukusį meno paskaitų ir dirbtuvių ciklą karo nuniokotame Afganistane. Afganų Seminarai – taip pavadinti rengėjų – vyko nuo 2010 ir 2012 metų, organizatoriams bendradarbiaujant su Gėtės Instituto (vok. Goethe Institut) Afganistano padaliniu, Kabulo Universiteto Afganistano Centru ir kitomis kultūrinėmis institucijomis. Tačiau, turint omenyje šiuometines Afganistano socialines ir politines sąlygas, toks sprendimas gali atrodyti naivus, jei ne pavojingas..[1]

[open address to the  Gwangju World Biennial Forum No.1 to happen on 27-31 October 2012]





World biennial forum is just conference alongside with Gwangju Biennial - you are collecting representants of the largest biennials of the world and sponsor those, who are colonizable. While "Founded in memory of spirits of civil uprising of the 1980 repression of the Gwangju Democratization Movement" the biennial is unable to speak on the student strikes against imperial occupation in 1945 and also the more recent workers strike at Kumho Tire Co. plant in Gwangju who began a general strike on Aug. 16 2012

Minjung art is exactly the recuperation of the essential antiimperialist and anti-american movement : With the democratization of the 1990s, Minjung art started losing their concrete aim and became part of the mainstream - post modernism - the colonist biennial simply sold up any trace of disobedience. We must include our solidarity with murdered and tortured Minjung art psychic workers of 80-ies Gwangju uprising and disclaim recuperation of their memory by Gwanju biennialization-recuperation-colonialization processes.

We hereby authorise the eviction of Eric Pickles and the government he represents

Not just the Party but the system of governance is obsolete and hereby given NOTICE TO QUIT

We call on all workers, including Eric Pickles, to join the psychic workers union or indeed start their own psychic workers union in opposition to the bourgeoisie

We are now here

REproductiVe wOrkers and Lovers indUsTrIal uniON





infoRmation, intElligence, military operatiVes:
sOcial, poLitical and culTural workers:

Join the union of
Data Miners & Travailleurs Psychique

British atrocities - both direct and indirect through collaboration with rape and murder around the world must come to an end now

The backlog of cases from Kenya between the 1960s and 2000s of rape cases by British soldiers is now coming to trial in 2012

However the indirect rape and genocide by British authorities is still be brought to account.

The deportation of refugees is a clear example of where the UK and other European governments continue to practice racist neo-colonial policy of rape murder and genocide across the planet.

Ms Margaret Nambi, despite having fresh claim through new evidence of rape in Uganda - has been detained and threatened with deportation to where she will surely be tortured.

We have no hope for the British authorities and call on all workers to bring about its total downfall.

We also demand that all workers do whatever they can to ensure that Ms Margaret Nambi is allowed to remain in this country as per her wishes and that all is done to ensure the safe passage of her children too.



The DAMTP meeting took part in Alytus on September 21st – 22nd, 2012.

The main topic was defined as psychic (de)colonization, agenda (the word proposed by Mawuna) – prolegomena for future actions.




Oppression is not simple matter. I will start more or less arbitrarily and then stop here and there on different points.

Part of the problem with racism, sexism, etc. is that while capital structures all of our social relations, it also takes over a lot of what preceded it. This is not to say that sexual oppression is very much like it was in other times and places, nor that sexual oppression is expressed or experienced uniformly in the current day, in all places. Capital subordinates the world to itself, and has done so more or less successfully, but it also does so unevenly and without wiping out all particularities. Capital's universality (instantiation of the capital-labor relation, generalization of money and exchange, separation of the producers from the means of producing and the product, etc.) goes hand in hand with production of all kinds of particularity, which often appears as autonomous from or unrelated to it. For a social relation where each difference has become an opportunity to market niche commodities, each 'community' becomes little more than a potential market, and each oppression has generated a new ‘community’, defined less by struggle against a particular oppression, which need not propose a new identity after all, than by its being given the status of an identity through the market (often with the help of the capitalist left, not to mention the nationalists seeking their own market.)

Capital generates differences automatically because wherever/whenever, as well as when/where it is necessary to split labor. In both cases its representatives make use of existing differences and generate new ones. Sometimes this happens consciously as in strikes or other social struggles (in the U.S., The Populist Movement in the 1890's comes to mind as another example) where capitalists, politicians, the media, etc. consciously play upon and generate differences to undermine class solidarity. All bourgeois politics is, except when it is forced to engage in simple, outright oppression, divide and conquer. It is better to make people fight among themselves, than confront a united body head on.

Beneath the I is multiplicity.

To assert the I is to react. It is the strategy which is infinitely deferring its object of desire: the fully erected and shining golden I.

I is threatened from all the sides by all kinds of enemies.

I is sad. I is grumpy. I is angry.

I constantly reflects upon itself, perpetually adjusting/re-adjusting its image to fit own and others' expectations.

I is a reactive machine with the desire to control.

The group Lipovy Tsvet from Belarus during the DAMTP conference in Alytus did a situationist-linguistic-surrealist strike uder the code name: "BLA BLA BLA - MY IDENTITY". The you can see the following report of their on-situ activities - the whole text of Mbaku Fidelis Mbabit is included as also some more visual presentations of other psychic workers and lipovy Tsvet themselves.

Со стороны участников группы Липовый цвет на этой конференции в течение 2-х дней происходила языковая ситуационистская забастовка с кодовым названием "bla-bla-bla - my identity". Результаты этой забастовки приведены ниже. 

[reloaded with English version. original text in German - below]

If we talk about Kassel and documenta, we must also remember that the place itself is a really important location for the German arms industry: since several decades it has been re-established in this historical place. The tactical proximity between war and culture is in no way new situation of geopolitical strategies. By means of the example of Kassel, we realise how cultural politics (on both global and regional level) crystalize as a part of hegemonic power structures, sometimes more visual, sometimes more sublime, but constant nevertheless. The most important armament players in the Kassel region (business volume of several billions of Euros):

Wenn wir von Kassel und der documenta reden, müssen wir auch immer im Hinterkopf behalten, dass wir hier von einen Ort reden, an dem ein wichtiger Standort der deutschen Rüstungsindustrie seit vielen Jahrzehnten wieder platziert ist. Die Nähe von Krieg und Kultur ist kein neuer Zustand geopolitischer Strategien. Anhand des Beispiels von Kassel wird deutlich wie die Kulturpolitik (auf globaler/sowie regionaler Ebene) sich als Teil hegemonialer Machtstrukturen herauskristallisiert, mal deutlicher, mal versteckter, aber durch die Zeit hindurch konstant. Die derzeit wichtigsten Rüstungs-Player in der Kasseler Region (mit milliardenschweren Umsätzen) sind:

Rheinmetall Defense, Krauss-Maffei Wegmann und Eurocopter1

[Pablo Hermann, Afghaniswahn, 2011, Tusche und Acryl auf Papier, 20x30cm]

The leitmotif of Christov-Bakargiev about the reflection of the past is going beyond. “Kassel is the city which was destroyed and rebuilt”, says the boss of documenta. “And in the middle of the wreckage (ruins) the documenta was initiated. This aspect brought me to follow one question/idea: when I look at the present situation, I have a problem to comprehend with the simultaneousness of collapse and recovery. For Afghanistan, both counts: the state of things after and during the war. And that is very curious. The war ended in 2004, everybody came back and the war seems to be over. At the same time, everyone said the war is still going on there. The difference between now and 1945/46 is that crisis and no-crisis can now exist side by side. […]” (


What Christov-Bakargiev is instigating here is namely that the war was over already in 2004 - while all the facts speak about proportionately more casualties in the time after 2004 than in the duration of 3 years prior to the “end of the conflict”.


Here I am “only” referring to the military casualties. The number of civil victims must be multiplied by thousands (just in the sole year of 2010 there were over 10.000 civilian deaths) (2)! The Allied troops from 2001 till 2004 reported exactly 200 deaths, and between 2005 and 2012 (…), there were 2944 (3). Bearing such numbers in mind, it is either sarcastic or aggressively naïve to speak about this aforementioned “no-crisis”, or “end of the war”. And the person, who is digging the history of last centuries' Afghanistan, will find no difficulty to nail down the colonial causalities and effects from these approaches that triggers bigger or smaller armed conflicts. Considering this, the “no-crisis” idea of Christov-Bakargiev is extremely problematic to digest (4). [Kabul, 1971]

[updated! - English version included. Original-german - version to be found bellow]

Ten years after the surrender of the Nazis and the digestion of the German people about the insane adventure of the National Socialism, the first documenta in Kassel in 1955 came into the world. In the same year Kassel welcomed the former armed forces member (1939-1945) and First Lieutenant (1944-1945) in the Nazi Germany of Adolf Hitler, FJ Strauss (CSU party member - Christian Social Union). He arrived in order to accelerate the reconstruction of the defense industry in Kassel in the postwar period (the barely 10 years since asleep the surrender of the Nazis) - as a former party chairman of the CSU, atomic Minister of the Federal Republic of Germany (1955), who later became defense minister, Prime Minister of Bavaria and candidate for Chancellor of Germany. Then the Bundeswehr (German Military) was re-established on the 5 May 1955. Since the fifties, Strauss was a key lobbyist regarding NATO and open advocate of the McCarthy era. He has also advanced the witch-hunt of dissidents (1) in occupied Germany. His efforts in cooperation with the cultural and economic institutions were for the awakening of the dormant war production as early as the second half of the fifties, a success. There we have the two Henschel successor companies (2) (6 generations and Nazi regimes with more than 6000 forced laborers), also Wegmann (3), Rheinmetall (4) and Krauss-Maffei Wegmann (5), who in the 50's re-entered with a bang into the weapons business .


1955 was the season of awakening for Kassel after the end of World War II in a decade of despair, hunger, guilt, and resistance to rebuilding the machinery of war, persecution of pacifists of the left and religious (6) spectrum - which called the soldiers killers, denunciations, reinstatement of former Nazis (7) in national security and politics go hand in hand with the occupying forces. These turbulent times, the platform for the development of the first Documenta were to simultaneously, so to calm the turmoil. Reconstruction, restoration, creation ...

Again, again and again, that's part of the motto, which has Carolyn Christov-Bakargiev dedicated their Documenta 13 "collapse and reconstruction." Breakdowns and disasters from natural processes (meteorites, earthquakes, tsunamis ...) with their self-regeneration / healing of nature are placed in parallel with human-made disasters (pogroms, wars, displacement, exploitation, enslavement ...) each with their reconstruction / self-healing are presented with a holistic relation to the same level along the different venues documenta for a clientele of more than 750,000 "refined", privileged visitors. The message of her diffused concept Non-concept and its presentation is read by a mass mainstream audience. As a natural process, as were war and neo-colonialism to a natural behavior of our existence as a group disasters of war with exploitation, delusion, torture, expulsion, racism and all the symptoms of diseases such as hatred and violence would then be natural processes that should happen in our existence. As with any environmental disaster and colonial processes and exploitative behavior would mean unavoidable and natural processes (the process functions like a sedative).


On September 21-22, 2012 in Alytus (Lithuania) DAMTP self appointed curator Chus Martínez calls for meeting of the non-productive psychic workers and data miners, unproductive dead workers, life reproductive workers and cleaners (industrialized and non-paid ones) to discuss strategies to strike against bourgeois culture and to celebrate it‘s agonies due to vanishing access to production of whitewashing, light and stylistics.

1. colonization-decolonizaton-recolonizaton of mind as raised by "postcolonial" African writers and getting very actual for the rest of the world at this moment

2. psychic colonialism

3. structural racism inherent in white eurocentrist culture

4. debienializationist international/// [not sure, but might be] respond to the planned biennalization international to be held later this year in the end of october - - suming up the activities to hack the possibly mostly eurocentrist feature of contemporary colonization of mind - biennialization of the world

5. Prolegomena for the new issue of an art strike biennial for the year 2013.

6. the issues of immigrants...what does [cultural] integration means?


Psychic de-colonization/ Psichodekolonizacija

DAMTP meeting/conference/discussion

September 21st – 22nd, 2012, Alytus

Location: Alytus Art School, Darius & Girenas str. no. 25, Alytus, Lithuania




As I said we are not interested. Furthermore, please refrain from now on from claiming any link to the IWW. You have no such recognised links. We do not recognise any IU007/700 or IU000 in our structures nor have we ever chartered any such structures.

If you do not refrain from sending us messages we will block your email. If you do not refrain from claiming illegitimate links to IWW, we may take action.

Thank you


Organ Kritischer Kunst (OKK, Berlin) Team has researched the new waves of the Art Establishment in the "probably most creative city in the world (at least in the continental part of Europe)" as manifested by the Berlin Biennale 7 (BB7; 27.04-01.07). OKK hosted the event entitled "2012 IS THE SEASON FOR TREASON" parallel to the BB7 (27.04-13.05) in order to expose the outcomes of their research into the biennale, but also to provide the space for discussion of the crypto-fascist ideology and tactics in the broader social context. On Friday 20th July, OKK presentation "Biennialization of political art" will draw on their "2012 IS THE SEASON FOR TREASON" and specify its relationship to the dOCUMENTA (13), which is currently occupying the city of Kassel.


from POT press release about the Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung Hessen event “Biennialization of Political Art”


1) “Borderless” documenta


According to dOCUMENTA (13) curator Carolyn Christov-Bakargiev, the Italians are coming back to this largest German contemporary art festival in 2012, after somewhat little presence of this nationality in the recent shows. Apparently they are coming back with a full blast in the style of 1930s! Sadly, both Berlin Biennale 7 and dOCUMENTA (13) rely on the nationalist and ethnic conceptions of identity. Simultaneously, Italian presence in documenta is the very element which allows this anti-concept concept re-conquest Afghanistan (2012 documenta takes place in Kassel, Germany; Cairo, Egypt; Banff, Canada and Kabul, Afghanistan). Carolyn Christov-Bakargiev is an Italian and American writer, art historian and curator, sporting philosophy suitable for German domestic and foreign cultural policies. According to Emily Nathan from


One might wonder why on earth Carolyn Christov-Bakargiev, the curator of Documenta (13) in Kassel, Germany, June 9-Sept. 16, 2012, would choose to hold two years of art lectures and workshops in the war-torn country of Afghanistan. The Afghan Seminars, as they are called, took place between 2010 and 2012 in collaboration with the Goethe-Institut Afghanistan, the Afghanistan Center at Kabul University and a host of other cultural institutions -- and considering the current conditions of the country’s social and political landscape, such a decision might seem naive, or even dangerous.[1]


Ironically, the very personality who was used in order to let documenta expand through German borders is probably the most globally famous contemporary art curator with a background in Africa. Nigeria-born Okwui Enwezor was the star of dOCUMENTA (11) in 2002. Enwezor is a son of a businessman, a probable reason for his class-determined understanding of post-colonial international relations which had made way for “non-occidental” cultures forming the core of the whole show.[2] While this might sound positive or in some way progressive, “the ultimate cosmopolitan” seems to have internalized the concept of art with its typical colonialist bias. Formulaic “phenomenon” of similar basis is described in Roger Taylor's 1978 book “Art, an Enemy of the People”, where author speaks about the historical founding of Jazz:


I have now said something about the social context in which a certain social project was lived out. A set of simplifying contrasts help to clarify my meaning. Being white, an encapsulated in New Orleans social experience, was bringing blackness into whiteness, and thereby obtaining some release from being white, but at the same time not being black and remaining white. The project was contradictory, it was to be white, but not be white and to be black, but not be black (all of this from the standpoint of those who were white), it was to bring blackness into whiteness as a whiteness but at the same time that which entered as a whiteness had to be a blackness.[3]


Chus Martínez  is a name that refers to an individual human being who can be anyone. The name is fixed, the people using it aren’t. The name Chus Martínez can be strategically adopted for a series of actions, interventions, exhibitions, texts, etc. You can use the name Chus Martínez when involved in making art, making music, or just making trouble as an activist. The purpose of many different people using the same name is to create a situation for which no one in particular is responsible and to practically examine western philosophical notions of identity, individuality, originality, value and truth.

Anyone can become Chus Martínez simply by adopting the name. When one becomes Chus Martínez one’s previous existence consists of the acts other people have undertaken using the name. When one becomes Chus Martínez one has no family, no parents, no birth. Chus Martínez was not born, s/he was materialised from social forces, constructed as a means of entering the shifting terrain that circumscribes the ‘individual’ and society. Chus Martínez is a transsexual collective phantom.

Two years after our last message ( calling for the formation of an industrial union of psychic workers we send psychic solidarity support to the most successful proletarian FWs (in terms of workers struggle and internationalism) of the Cleaners Union and Latin American Workers Union for organising on whatever grounds they see fit as is the aims of the IWW. The BIRA statement ( against the cleaners workers does not make sense as the IWW does allow workers to dual card also and we do not see the union as a political party to be centrally controlled but rather as a tool of proletarianidation and step towards workers councils - as such the statement stinks of the bullshit bollocks of Bolshevism and Bakuninism

However we must state our own differences with the "Industrial Workers of Great Britain" - the union that the FWs of the IWW Cleaners union are now also using - not least that we do not recognise Great Britain as a legitimate entity. The IWGB makes a similar error to the IWW with regards to their indusrtriual union structure as can be seen in their old graphic:


[Sharlene Khan sets up a discourse for looking at 'contemporary' African art, in particular from a curatorial perspective, seeking to challenge the role of Western curators taking on the job of selecting African works and taking them to the world stage. This is a comparative text calling upon Edward Said''s idea of the intellectual and curators to seriously consider the implications of their role as intellectuals in contemporary culture. This article has been structured in a way that considers 'representation and responsibility' and moves on to discuss 'accountability'. Major factors which are examined are the problems with contemporary/craft representations in taking African art to western audiences as well as issues surrounding race, education, ethnicity and questions the morality of such curatorial procedures.][1]

[Image: Sharlene Khan and Collen Burrows Hung Curator 2007, digital photograph]

Politics is everywhere; there can be no escape into the realms of pure art and thought or, for that matter, into the realm of disinterested objectivity or transcendental theory (Said, 1994: 16).


African art has, since the 1980s, gained ground in the Western contemporary art world as large-scale shows featuring African art have set the stage for portrayals of a post-colonial Africa. This has not been an easy task of course when one has to negotiate a minefield of myths and fallacies about a continent filled with hundreds of cultures, religions, languages, traditions and histories.